Sen. Schumer Delusional about the Democratic Party: We’re doing very well. We are totally united.

Senator Chuck Schumer is delusional if he believes the Democratic Party is doing very well. His answer showed he does not understand the current plight of the middle and working class.

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Sen. Schumer is Delusional about the Democratic Party

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Summary

Senator Chuck Schumer tells CNN’s Dana Bash that Democrats are “totally united” and “doing very well,” insisting the party is focused on exposing Donald Trump’s tariffs and lawlessness. The host plays criticism from Sen. Michael Bennet, who faults Democrats for lacking a compelling vision, yet Schumer sticks to the message that Democrats are unified in defending the middle class from Trump’s billionaire-friendly agenda, never acknowledging broader voter frustration or policymaking gaps.

• Schumer claims Democrats are “totally united” and effectively countering Trump on tariffs, taxes, and rule-of-law issues.

• Dana Bash cites Sen. Michael Bennet’s charge that the party twice lost to Trump for failing to offer voters a clear, inspiring program.

• Schumer repeats talking points about Trump making “the middle class pay for tax cuts for billionaires,” without detailing new Democratic initiatives.

• The Majority Leader touts visits to six GOP districts, saying voters dislike cutting Medicaid, yet ignores criticism about stagnant Democratic polling.

• Schumer’s optimism contrasts with grassroots worries that party leadership still lacks bold, bread-and-butter solutions for working-class Americans.

A progressive lens sees Schumer’s rosy picture as dangerously complacent; his recycled anti-Trump rhetoric will not lower rents, raise wages, or guarantee health care. If Democrats truly wish to reclaim the mantle of the working class, they must move beyond defensive slogans and deliver tangible, redistributive policies such as Medicare for All, living wages, and aggressive corporate accountability before Trumpian false populism exploits the vacuum yet again.

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Senator Chuck Schumer’s sunny self-assessment—“we are totally united…we’re doing very well”—lands with the hollow thud of a press-shop talking point precisely because the material conditions facing most Americans contradict it. When CNN’s Dana Bash raised Colorado Senator Michael Bennet’s warning that Democrats twice ceded the White House to Donald Trump by failing to offer a “compelling vision,” Schumer ducked into abstractions about tariffs and Trumpian chaos while ignoring the everyday crises of rent, wages, and child-care costs. His evasions illustrate why polls now show that, although the public dislikes Trump’s tariff tax and his broader assault on institutions, it trusts neither party’s leadership on bread-and-butter economics—and it trusts Democratic leaders least of all. Gallup finds just 25 percent of Americans expressing confidence in Schumer’s economic stewardship, four points below Trump and even below Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell.

A leadership cocooned from economic reality

Schumer insists that Democrats are “on the front foot,” yet the numbers tell a more harrowing story. Real hourly earnings in March 2025 are only 1.4 percent higher than a year ago, barely enough to keep pace with still-elevated housing, food, and health-care costs. Meanwhile, home prices hit another record high—$408,000 for a single-family resale—while mortgage rates hover near 7 percent. Child-care fees average $800 per month and push roughly 134,000 families into poverty each year. These trends converge with a half-century-long gap between productivity and pay that the Economic Policy Institute calls a “policy choice,” not an inevitability. Schumer never mentions them.

When leadership refuses to grapple with lived reality, voters sense it instantly. A Washington Post-ABC-Ipsos survey taken this week shows 61 percent disapprove of Trump’s economic management—yet the same poll records only 38 percent who believe congressional Democrats would handle the economy better. The party’s brand deficit endures because it signals empathy but rarely wields power aggressively on behalf of ordinary people—something even Bennet calls “infuriating.”

The message problem is a policy problem.

Schumer touts a plan to force a Senate vote reversing Trump’s blanket 10 percent tariffs, portraying Democrats as guardians of the rule of law. Fine. But voters do not experience rules; they experience grocery bills. Until Democrats pair their procedural attacks on Trump with concrete, near-term deliverables—canceling junk fees, limiting rent increases, capping credit-card APRs now north of 24 percent, and enacting universal child care—many working-class families will shrug. MarketWatch’s tariff dashboard shows why: consumer prices on essentials have barely budged, while rents and mortgage payments keep climbing. Without a forthright plan to intervene in price gouging and raise wages, Democrats sound like lecturers, not champions.

An aging guard vs. an impatient base

The disconnect is not lost on grassroots progressives. In March, four national youth-climate and economic-justice coalitions demanded that Schumer “use every tool you have—or step down.” Over a dozen House Democrats echoed that sentiment at town halls last month. Their frustration is strategic, not merely stylistic: they watched Senate Democrats slow down minimum-wage and child tax credit expansions in the previous Congress, even as Trump moved ahead with executive orders benefiting fossil fuel executives and private equity donors.

Schumer answered Bash by saying Democrats are “united on a single message” that Trump “makes the middle class pay for tax cuts to billionaires.” That attack line is both accurate and insufficient. Voters want not just an indictment of plutocracy but a promise that a Democratic government will claw back wealth already siphoned upward and visibly redistribute power. That means stating, without euphemism, that Democrats will:

• Guarantee universal, zero-premium health coverage by expanding Medicare to every resident and outlawing profit in basic care.

• Pass a national $20-per-hour minimum wage pegged to inflation and productivity growth.

• Restore Jimmy Carter-era housing production programs to build millions of non-profit, permanently affordable units, financed by a surtax on Wall Street stock buybacks.

• Create a public child-care system funded through a wealth tax on fortunes above $50 million, cutting monthly fees from $800 to zero.

• Break up monopolies that inflate prices, from Big Ag to Big Tech, using revived antitrust rules last enforced in the 1970s.

These are not utopian fantasies; they are the modern equivalents of the New Deal’s rural electrification and the Great Society’s Medicare. They address voters’ most pressing concerns and confront the structural extraction of wealth that both corporate parties have tolerated.

The road back runs through material wins.

Polling from Third Way’s February 2025 retreat warned that Democrats confront a “trust gap” with working-class voters who hear progressive rhetoric but rarely feel the benefits. That gap will not close until leaders like Schumer transform the caucus from a defensive posture—reacting to every Trump outrage—to an offensive project that delivers universal public goods. If he refuses, the rising generation of lawmakers should, and likely will, replace him. The stakes could not be clearer: without a populist economic agenda rooted in immediate, tangible relief, Democrats will keep bleeding support even as Trump’s approval plumbs historic lows.

Schumer may believe Democrats are “doing very well.” The data—and the lived experiences of families priced out of homes, child-care slots, and basic security—say otherwise. A party truly “for working people” must step beyond the shadow of Trump and articulate a bold, redistributive program that voters can grasp in their paychecks and at their kitchen tables. Until then, unity in talking points will matter far less than unity in purpose, and purpose means policy that delivers.

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